'Twilight of the Elites' is As Disturbing As it is Important

Twilight of the Elites: an important new offeringus: secularism and Reason need not be perceived
by Professor David Flint, chair of the Australianas being in opposition to faith.
Broadcasting Authority and Convener ofFlint's defence of the "Judaeo-Christian tradition"
Australians for Constitutional Monarchy (ACM), isalso raises disturbing questions regarding the
sure to be one of the more influential texts ofdouble standards exhibited by some proponents
2003. What the book lacks in terms of theof cultural relativism. For Flint, it is astonishing to
breadth of its readership base, it makes up for infind that Christianity is "fair game" for an often
that base's strategic value: the conservativedegrading ridicule and caricature, while other
intellectual elite which has captured the Liberalreligions and cultures are considered "above
Party, and now determines the nation's policycriticism" in the name of pluralism and relativism.
agenda. Twilight of the Elites is worth reading ifDetermined to break decisively with that "black
only to gain a glimpse of the kind of thinking thatarmband" view of history identified by
is going on in government circles today.conservatives with the "left-liberal elite", Flint
The canvass employed by Flint is wide-ranging.unsparingly celebrates Australia's traditions and
From Indigenous affairs to foreign policy, fromlegacy. While his identification of the brutally
education to health and welfare, fromImperialist First World War as a "struggle for
republicanism to judicial activism: Flint's prognosesfreedom and democracy" (!) is astonishing, his
cut against the grain of what he identifies assolemn recognition of Australia's role in defeating
"elite" opinion. This "elite", comprised of thefascism in World War Two is cause for praise.
"socially liberal left", we are told, count for only 10(and also for reflection for those who see
per cent of the Australian population, as"nothing to be proud of" in Australia's past) For
evidenced by the 2001 election showing of theFlint, "practical reconciliation" between Indigenous
progressive minor parties. (ie: Democrats/Greens)and non-Indigenous Australia, via the provision of
This being the case, the inclusion of that stalwarteducation, health care and housing, is the
socialist, Paul Keating, within the ranks of thisalternative to a Treaty or an apology. But as
group, seems to defy belief.survivors of Japanese atrocities during World War
According to Flint, this socially liberal "elite",II could well testify, the recognition and dignity
entrenched within the media and within academia,afforded by an apology is infinitely more valuable
has commanded power well beyond its numbers.than material compensation.
Alleging that the "opinion-makers" of this "eliteMany of Flint's remaining prescriptions will be sure
layer" have fostered a culture of intolerance andto raise concern. Despite the inequity and
"political correctness", Flint draws upon the writingsinefficiency of America's overwhelmingly private
of 19th century French thinker Alexis dehealth care system (by Flint's figures, 12.9 per
Tocqueville, to suggest a veritable spiral of silence:cent of US GDP compared of 8.6 per cent for
"[The] majority, feeling isolated, begin to retreatAustralia), the author makes plain his preference
into silence rather than speak out for what itfor this model as opposed to Medicare's
mistakenly thinks is a minority view."universalism. While showing no concern for the
Unfortunately, Flint fails to recognise that theimpact of rising university fees on access and
"spiral of silence" induced by "political correctness"equity, Flint does flag his concern with the
is mirrored, in turn, by the populist opportunism ofexpense of welfare, singling out single parents for
the major parties in regard to concerns such asspecial attention. Determined to slash levels of
refugee policy. While praising the United States forprogressive taxation and social expenditure
its tradition of "self-criticism", and alleging no link(already well below the OECD average), Flint
between media proprietorship and editorial policy,seems oblivious to the impact of "welfare reform"
the author also ignores the tide of fear,and spending cuts upon a layer of Australians who
aggressive nationalism and media conformity thatalready barely subsist - often below the poverty
overcame that nation in the period leading up toline. Slashing government expenditure is thus
and including the recent Gulf War.raised abstractly to the status of "an end in itself",
Having abandoned past claims to universalism,divorced from any social consequences.
much of today's "liberal left" has substitutedFlint's avowed philosophical universalism is
traditional socialist aims for an arbitrary hierarchyundermined by his stated belief that United
of identity - based movements and struggles. TheNations treaties (eg: the Universal Declaration of
new "postmodern intellectual hegemony" isHuman Rights), were only meant to apply to "less
commonly characterised as much by itsdemocratic regimes". Meanwhile his emphasis upon
abandonment of universalism as it is by its culturalAustralia's interests with regard carbon emissions
relativism and its rejection of Reason.negotiations shows little concern for Australia's
In regard to this, Flint makes some telling points.responsibilities. Finally, Flint's insistence upon
Rejecting relativism, Flint asserts the primacy ofpersonal responsibility is incongruous in light of the
Western traditions, including the foundational roleapologies he makes for a Prime Minister who
of "Judaeo-Christian ethics". In doing so, Flint onlyseems to know only what he wants to know
recognises what the Left itself ought have(whether we refer here to "children overboard",
recognised long ago: belief systems, and systemsor overblown assessments regarding the "threat"
of government, are not only "different" but theyposed by Iraq).
adhere to certain social and ethical objectivesTwilight of the Elites is nothing if not controversial.
that, ultimately, we must judge as either right orIts condemnation of figures for whom a shallow
wrong. Those liberal political traditions inheritedrepublicanism had become a surrogate for
from Britain (Flint would probably contest thistraditional social democratic values is stinging.
description), by this reckoning, have played noFurthermore, its appraisal of media ethics raises
small role in preventing such extremes of violenceserious questions about the blurring of the lines
as have been known elsewhere in the world.between report and commentary. While Flint's
Flint does appear to forget, however, that theuncompromising conservatism will disturb many,
legacy of the Enlightenment is also part ofthere is no doubting that this volume is an
Australia's inheritance from the storehouse ofimportant contribution to public debate in this
Western tradition. And as Immanuel Kant, thecountry, comprising an open statement of much
great German philosopher, would have remindedthat government figures dare not argue publicly.