Parliamentary Sovreignty During Apartheid era in South Africa

The Constitutional crisis of the 1950s was thethe experiences and struggles of many South
result of unprecedented moves by the NationalAfricans.17 During apartheid, the doctrine of
Party (NP) to consolidate power by subtlyparliamentary supremacy meant that judges had
disenfranchising coloured voters, especially thoselimited power to protect individual rights against
who stayed in the Cape Provincial Division, usingviolations by the government, and judges had no
the Separate Representation of Voters Act, 46Bill of Rights against which the legality of official
of 1951. The NP assayed to set up a High Courtacts could be measured.18 The 1996 Constitution
of Parliament to override decisions made by thecreated a legal order in which an independent
erstwhile Appellate Division (AD) of the Supremejudiciary was empowered to review the legality
Court. In the first Harris case (Harris vs. Ministerof all official acts. Now the new South Africa, the
of the Interior 1952 (2) SA 428 (A), the Separateconstitution is “the supreme law of the
Representation of Voters Act was found to beRepublic” and “law or conduct inconsistent
unconstitutional, since the special two thirdswith it is invalid” (section 2 of the SA
majority procedure for amending the entrenchedconstitution Act 108 of 1996).
franchise rights of coloured voters, set out in theSection 41 of the Constitution (1996) also codifies
Constitution of the Union of South Africa, was notthe separation of power among the three
followed.1 In dismissing the case, the Judge usedbranches by requiring that, all spheres of
the entrenched South Africa Act Section 35 whichgovernment and all organs of state must respect
stipulates that no person capable of beingthe constitutional status, institutions, power, and
registered as a voter should be disqualified on thefunctions of government and not assume any
basis of race or colour, however if there are anypower or function except those conferred on
amendments this should be done collectively bythem in terms of the Constitution. Section 165 of
both Houses of Parliament, at the third readingthe Constitution vests the “judicial authority of
and agreed to by a two thirds majority. The NPthe Republic” in the courts and provides that
responded by passing the High Court ofcourts are independent and must apply the
Parliament Act, 35 of 1952.Constitution and the law “without fear, favour,
The High Court of Parliament had the duty toor prejudice” (section 165[2])19. The existence
review judgements made by the Appellantof a Bill of Rights in the 1996 Constitution (chapter
Division of the Supreme Court and declaring invalid2) provides judges with a legal framework to
any provision of any Act of Parliament, and only aguide their decisions and clarify the limits of
Minister of State had the power to lodge with thegovernment power and extent of government
„court? an application for the review of suchobligations. Moreover, section 33 of the Bill of
an order. 2 In the second Harris case (Harris vs.Rights provides that “everyone has the right
Minister of the Interior 1952 (4) SA 428 769 (A),to administrative action that is lawful, reasonable
the full panel bench held that if an Act is beyondand procedurally fair”, thus empowering the
the competence of a legislative body, its motivescourts to review administrative action.20
become irrelevant, whether they be ethical, legalGiven that individual rights are entrenched in the
or political. Judge Centlivres CJ said, theConstitution the Judicial Services Commission
„court? was just parliament functioning by(JSC) is supposed to provide protection against
another name and that the „court? was justpolitically motivated appointments made without
another „legislature?, it could not by simpleparticipation by the legal profession. Section 174
majority do what the constitution required it to doof the Constitution provides that the President,
by special majority. The Act was thereforeafter consulting the JSC, appoints the chief justice
declared invalid.3 These two cases in the earlyand deputy chief justice of the Constitutional
1950s illustrate the Appellate Division of theCourt and the president and deputy president of
Supreme Court of South Africa?s impartiality andthe Supreme Court of Appeal (section 174[3]).21
willingness to act in opposition to the NP.Other Constitutional Court judges are appointed
However the NP proceeded to pass South Africaby the President from a list of recommendations
Amendment Act, 9 of 1956 to validate Separatecompiled by the JSC (section 174[3]).22
Representation of Voters Act, 46 of 1951 by aConsequently, the Constitution sets out guidelines
special two thirds majority. They increased thefor removal and requires that a variety of actors,
size of the Senate by appointing loyal partyrather than only the executive, play a role in the
members to give themselves the two thirdsultimate decision. According to section 177, if the
majority claiming the entrenched coloured votingJSC finds that a “judge suffers from an
rights violated parliament consequently appointedincapacity, is grossly incompetent or is guilty of
six new judges whom they had confidence in.4 Ingross misconduct” and if at least two-thirds
Collins vs. Minister of the Interior 1957 (1) SA 552of the National Assembly votes for that judge?s
(A), Collins used the South Africa Act Section 35removal, the President must remove the judge
and 152 to defend his argument of coloureds?from office.23 Also the creation of the
constitutional guarantee to enfranchise arguingConstitutional Court impacted on the ability of the
that the Senate Act was unfair and biased. Thejudiciary to effectively execute its power of
Judge held that necessary procedures, like bothreview and to promote the values and freedoms
Houses of Parliament sitting and agreeing to theto which the country had agreed during the
document by a two thirds majority, weretransition.
followed in promulgating the amendment, so itFOOTNOTES FOR THIS ESSAY BELOW
was validated. Only Oliver Schreiner dissented.1 Devenish G, in article found on (accessed 31
This marked the period of parliamentaryMarch 2009)
supremacy in South Africa. Discriminatory laws2 Lauterpacht E, C. J. Greenwood, A. G.
were passed at a fast pace, which regulatedOppenheimer, International Law Reports, Volume
where one could work, live, travel, worship,103, 2003 p65, found online on (accessed on 31
marry, make love and where to be buried,March 2009)
legislation like Urban Areas Act, Immorality Act,3 Van Der Merwe C G and Du Plessis JE,
1957 and Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act 1949Introduction to the Law of South Africa, 2004
were enforced.5 Even though, beginning at thep60, found online on >(accessed on 31 March
time of the union of South Africa in 1910, the2009)
country had a Westminster system of4 Bizos G, in an article The Abrogation and the
government in which the legislature was supremeRestoration of Law and Judicial Independence in
over the other branches of government.6South Africa, found online on (accessed on 31
Moreover, the judiciary adopted a “narrowMarch 2009)
approach to its interpretive function” choosing5 Bizos G, in an article The Abrogation and the
to interpret legislation according to what itRestoration of Law and Judicial Independence in
believed Parliament would have desired.7 DuringSouth Africa, found online on (accessed on 31
the 1950s the National Party packed the benchMarch 2009)
with political appointees and with judges who had6 Gordon A and Bruce D, in an article
no history of opposition to apartheid.8 In manyTransformation and the Independence of the
cases worthy judges were passed over in termsJudiciary in South Africa found online on (accessed
of promotion in favour of those less worth of31 March 2009)
appointments.9 One case is that of Oliver7 Dugard J, Human rights and the South African
Schreiner who was passed over to be Chieflegal order: 1978 p233
Justice because of his opposition to apartheid.108 Dyzenhaus D, Truth, reconciliation and the
This practice facilitated the creation of a situationapartheid legal order :1998 p38
where the bench “was largely a mirror of the9 Ellmann S, In a time of trouble: Law and liberty
political establishment, virtually all-male, all-white, allin South Africa’s state of emergency:1992 p
middle-class and largely Afrikaans speaking.11 By228
the mid-1980s there were “substantiated10 Haynie Stacia L, Judging in black & white :
suggestions” that in the provincial divisions,decision making in the South African Appellate
especially the Transvaal, more liberal judges wereDivision, 1950-1990: 2003
intentionally not assigned to security trials and11 Rickard, C. (2003). The South African Judicial
those who gave unfavourable decisions especiallyServices Commission. Conference on “judicial
on emergency laws were usually excused fromreform: Function, Appointment and Structure”:
dealing with the same cases next time.12University of Cambridge. 31 March 2009)
Under the Westminster model of government the12 Forsyth C F, In danger for their talents: A
legislature is supreme and courts are confined tostudy of the Appellate Division of the Supreme
interpreting acts when the language is ambiguousCourt of South Africa from 1950-1980: 1985 p50
and to discerning the Parliament?s intent. The13 Dugard J, Human rights and the South African
Westminster system, however, was designed tolegal order:1978 ,p7
work in a country where the legislature was14 Ellmann S, In a time of trouble: Law and liberty
representative of and considered legitimate byin South Africa’s state of emergency: 1992
the majority of the people while in South Africa,p113
the legislature was certainly not representative of15 Dyzenhaus D Truth, reconciliation and the
or concerned with protecting the rights of theapartheid legal order:1998, p61, quoting Pius Langa
black majority.1316 Constitution of the Republic Of South Africa,
There were a few „chosen? judges to deal(108 0f 1996) Section 1
with all emergency-related issues for six-and-a-half17 Gordon A and Bruce D, in an article
years which made the court?s jurisprudence, anTransformation and the Independence of the
expression of a smaller range of South AfricanJudiciary in South Africa found online on (accessed
understanding 14 There were ouster clauses like31 March 2009)
the Public Safety Act (3 of 1953), Section 5b18 ibid
which stated that no court shall be competent to19 Constitution of the Republic Of South Africa,
inquire into or give judgment on the validity of(108 0f 1996)
any such proclamation made by the State20 ibid
President. By passing subtle worded legislation that21 ibid
was not open to interpretation, the legislature22 ibid
often overruled decisions of the courts. By failing23ibid
to declare invalid racist, oppressive and unjustFREDRICK MATSHEZA has a Bachelor Of Arts
legislation, the judiciary “put the stamp ofHonours Degree in English from University Of
legality on a legal framework structured toZimbabwe attained in 2007. Currently he is
perpetuate disadvantage and inequality”15studying for a Bachelor Of Laws Degree at
However, can that still happen in South Africa?University Of The Witwatersrand in South
Section 1 of the Constitution of South AfricaAfrica.He likes writing articles especially on
(1996), states that South Africa recognises thecontemporary music and current global issues.
supremacy of the Constitution and the rule ofFredrick also likes meeting new people, socializing
law, universal adult suffrage, national commonand going to church. He describes himself as a
voters? roll to ensure accountability,humble man from a very humble background ,
responsiveness and openness.16 The tendencywho is just working hard to make a niche for
toward executive-mindedness by apartheid judgeshimself in this competitive world. He says he owes
stemmed partly from the fact that almost alleverything he has achieved, first to the Almighty
judges were white males from the same strataGOD, to the three women who made a
of society and with the same backgrounds as thedifference in his life and future,that is his mother,
members of the minority government; theMrs Rumbidzai Matsheza, only sister Shyline Fadzo
judiciary thus tended to support the executive?sMatsheza and aunt, Mrs Georgina Nhapi.
political and social views and could not relate to