On the Question of Turkey-EU Membership - Yes, No, and Everything in Between

Introinto the public spotlight." In other words, questions
To ask the question of whether Turkey should orof the role of religion in politics, previously
should not join the European Union is toperceived to have been historically resolved, have
completely misunderstand the context in whichreappeared. However, as Hurd approximates
current negotiations are taking place. In otherKeyman when she says that the reasons why
words, when France adamantly and vociferouslysuch questions have been awoken from a
maintains that if and when Turkey will be "ready"prolonged period of subdued dormancy, have
to join the EU, it will leave it up to its electorateeverything to do with the fact that approaches to
to decide by means of a referendum, itreligion and to religious minorities, are not "set in
completely misses the point. The primarystone but must be constantly renegotiated."
objective of this paper is to briefly outline theHurd outlines the paradigms in which both
contextual backdrop onto which accession talksEuropean secularists and European exclusivists
have been, and continue to be made, by critically(read: Judeo-Christian secularists) operate. The
engaging with a cross-section of the currentethnocentric biases are beyond obvious. For
academic literature on this subject. Furthermore,Judeo-Christians, "secularist separation of religion
the last section will offer a more pragmaticfrom politics," is a unique "Western achievement
analysis of the possible directions in whichthat is superior to its non-Western rivals."
Turkey-EU negotiations could be potentially taken.Furthermore, the inability of "others," non
This will hopefully provide a coherent response toJudeo-Christians to transcend these fixed
the reality that Turkey's political, cultural anddefinitional presuppositions, disables Islamic
economical future, will not by any means, be lesssocieties to fully realize true secularism. Inclusive
successful or promising, without full EUEuropean laicists or secularists are equally biased
membership.and ethnocentric. This line of argument maintains
Backgroundthat Turkey only differs "from Europe solely in
There is nothing "organic" about the way in whichterms of acquired characteristics." Turkish
the modern Turkish republic came into existence.accession to the EU will only be made possible
While it may be true that European modernitywhen these "shortcomings," will be "overcome
was the product of a centuries longthrough the importation of Western-style
industrialization process, a process influenced anddemocracy and the secularization of politics and
fueled by revolutionary advancements insociety."
technological competence, the Turkish case isWhen the introduction mentioned that France
distinctly different. With the Ottoman Empirewould completely miss the point, if it would leave
having suffered continued defeat "at the hands ofthe question of whether Turkey should or should
the major European powers," modernity came tonot join the EU, to its electorate, it was not by
be seen as the best possible defensive strategy,any means an attack on democratic principle of
offering renewed military competence and inmajoritarian politics. It was actually a criticism of
short, provide the solution to athe lack-of democratic sensitivities in France, to
lack-of-competitiveness problem. Initially,those cultural and religious minorities within their
modernity was not a ubiquitous and omnipresentown borders. The shift currently taking place in
fact of life, but limited to the military.Turkey, while framed as an erosion of secularism
It is not difficult to conceptualize why theby some, is actually becoming more sensitive to
Ottoman Empire opted for modernity as a wayactual electoral and political realities. This is not to
of staying competitive among the other Europeansay that Turkey is a textbook example of how a
powers and empires, of the 18th and 19thperfect democracy should be. To make such an
centuries. A modern army, however, also requiresargument would be a mistake. However, and as
modern institutions to "train military officers andHurd herself leaves open to interpretation,
to offer medical services to military men." Schoolssecularism is a social construct that can be broken
were added for the purpose of training thesedown, contested and reconstructed. Perhaps
officers. In addition, "capable administrators whoHurd's most crucial contribution comes at the end
could, among other functions, develop reliableof her article, when she makes it explicit that,
systems for drafting soldiers and collecting taxes,"notwithstanding her main argument that Europe
soon followed, for the following reason. Thewould have to revisit its own understanding of
Ottoman war-machine required a systematicsecularism (before Turkish integration into the EU
approach to the administration of public andwill be successful),
natural resources, as well as the human capitalIf Europe cannot be articulated in terms of
required to make it all possible. One caveatcomplex space and complex time that allow for
however, does exist. While new and modernmultiple ways of life (and not merely multiple
institutions that dealt with realizing the primaryidentities) to flourish, it may be fated to be no
objective of increasing the overall effectivenessmore than the common market of an imperial
of the military were being erected, traditionalcivilization, always anxious about (Muslim) exiles
institutions, such as the medreses (schoolswithin its gates and (Muslim) barbarians beyond.
charged with transmitting Islamic theology andJohn Redmond makes it explicit that if Turkey is
religious law) were still in operation and oftento join, it must do so as a full member. Anything
stood in contradiction with their modernless than full membership is worrisome for the
counterparts.following reasons. First, Turkey would not have
It is at this point in the history of the Ottomanaccess to the EU single market, thereby making
Empire, that a distinction can be made between athe economic benefits of integration political (and
modern interpretation and a more traditionalfor security purposes) only. Second, there would
understanding of state governance. Modernity inbe a lack of structural funds flowing from the
pre-republican Turkey benefited a select few andEuropean Union to Turkey. Third, the most
alienated many, unemployment being the majorimportant reason of all, Turkey would have "no
pathology of modernity in 19th century. Becauseseat at the EU decision-making table." It is
of this exclusionary effect, the modern Ottomanimportant to ask the question of why Turkey
Empire came to antagonize those individuals whowould even be considered as a second-class
entertained more traditional approaches. Thosemember. The main argument for this however is
who had been brought up and schooled underunfortunately one designed with populist politics in
modern institutions "became aware of themind and not something premised on a more
backwardness" of their society. With the end ofcogent line of reasoning.
the First World War and the defeat of theTo quote Redmond, Turkey is still "seen as an
Ottoman Empire, modernization reforms becameoutsider to the European mainstream, condemned
possible. Justified by the inefficacy of the oldto irresolvable difference from its western
regime, the Republic People's Party (RPP), led byneighbours on historical, religious and cultural
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, institutionalized modernitygrounds." The general European public finds
in 1923, by establishing the Turkish republic.Turkey to be "too big, too poor, too far away
Secular Kemalism has been a predominant featureand too Islamic." In other words, Turkey does not
of Turkish politics, a point of constant contentionfit into the social construct that goes by the
that often found Turkey under great politicalname of "Europeanness." Redmond himself points
turmoil, instability and uncertainty. Between 1923out that this is but "a ludicrous concept," a
and 1946, Turkey operated under a single partydistraction from factual reality that speaks of the
system. The RPP was "the original tutelary singlepurpose of EU integration as still being
party that was associated with the founding of"predominantly economic." However, Turkish
the republic and the westernizing reforms ofeconomics and the success of organizations such
Ataturk." RPP reforms were particularly intrusive,as MUSIAD (Independent Industrialists' and
repressive and designed by the Kemalist stateBusinessmen's Association) have proved that
elites to "keep society under control and realizeIslam is compatible with market-based economies
change through state action." As alreadyand the democratic tendencies that follow as
mentioned, these state elites, having been broughtby-products of such markets.
up and trained under modern institutions andEconomics
schools, felt justified in being the ones to guide aMousseau presents his argument in a rather
backward society. The only way this was possiblestraightforward way. Corruption and little respect
in their view, was to adopt a doctrine of "securityfor law are both cushioned between "collective,
maximization," using as many top-downtraditional and social associations for income" and
authoritarian measures as deemed necessary."state-led, feudal or command economies."
Turkey held elections in 1946 and in 1950, "powerContracts bind individuals and create "cooperation,
changed hands peacefully." Celal Bayar, a privatecompromise and tolerance of different interests."
banker, became Turkey's president. This is oftenIndividuals have an interest in maintaining the rule
referred to as the inflection point in Turkishof law so as to protect these agreements or
politics, as with the end of one-party rule "came acontracts between them. When disagreements
distinction between the state elites of militarysurface, the state intervenes and acts as a
leaders and bureaucrats and the political elitesdispute resolution mechanism. Limiting the role of
represented by elected officers." As it was thethe state in this sense would therefore require a
case in the past, the tension between those statethin understanding of a liberal democracy.
elites who subscribed to secularism and nationalismHowever, a duality exists between maintaining
as a way of reinforcing Turkey's interest tostate neutrality both in politics and economic
remain internationally competitive, and the politicalendeavors on one hand, and the establishing of
elites who were more sensitive to electoralelectorally sensitive political parties. The rise of the
impulses, reemerged from a period of dormancy.Turkish private sector during the 1980s and
However, more important was Turkey's shift1990s, has replaced "Turkey's clientalist politics
from the previous paradigm of "securitywith the market and rule of law." If one is to
maximization," to one of "prosperity maximization."entertain Mousseau's argument, that market
Democracy, for the newly elected political elites ineconomies and the opportunities attached to
power, was seen as the only legitimate way ofthem, will eventually and naturally lead Turkey to
catering to the "wishes of the people."adopt Western-style civil-rights and democracy,
However, the prospect of democraticthen the reality that culturally and traditionally
consolidation was cut short in 1960 when theloaded Islamic capitalism can succeed and has
military intervened by means of a coup d'etat. Insucceeded, fails to be recognized as an alternative
1980, the military intervened once again, this timemean to a similar end.
imposing the dissolution of all political parties. To fillAnalysis
in the newly created void, the military tried toPart I
impose a two-party system that although wasThere are a few scenarios that could unfold. The
favoured by military commanders, failed tofirst is that Turkey will not end up joining the
materialize. The 1971 forced change inEuropean Union. However, this would offer more
government by the military, acts as a furthercosts than benefits for a few reasons. One such
example of the instability of Turkish politics in thereason is that the current public antagonism
past.towards Turkey and Islam will only become more
Ilter Turan argues that there needs to be aacrimonious. The dehumanization and disconnection
reassessment of the extent to which politics inbetween the EU (read: the West) and Turkey
Turkey has really been a stable undertaking. While(read: the East) cannot possibly have any positive
the current Turkish President, Ahmet Necdetconsequences. Turkey is not Europe's or the
Sezer is himself a state elite and staunchWest's enemy. Islam is not incompatible with
advocate of "strict secularism and absolutedemocracy and it certainly isn't incompatible with
national sovereignty," the Turkish Prime Minister ismarket-based liberal economies.
less divorced from electoral politics. Recep TayyipThe duality that is found in the EU's acquis
Erdogan is Turkey's PM and while his party, thecommunitaire is indicative of the double standards
Justice and Development Party (or AKP) areof such institution. While the EU's Copenhagen
comfortable in power, with a majority of seats incriteria may push turkey towards maintaining the
parliament under their control, it is doubtfulcurrent secularist status-quo, this is simply
whether the up and coming presidential elections,unacceptable if Turkey is also to develop an
in May of 2007, will see Erdogan succeed Sezer.electorally sensitive democracy. Religion, and more
Turkey-EU Relations Backgroundimportantly, Islam, has and will continue to
Turkey signed an Association Agreement with thedominate both private and increasingly as of late,
EU in 1963. In 1987 Turkey applied for EUpublic life. As it has been pointed out before,
membership but was rejected in 1987 due to asecularism is a construct that is constantly being
lack of economic development, a political and civilreinterpreted to keep in-sync with the dynamic
rights deficit, and a chronic unemployment ratecomplexities of change. In other words, the
that was considered to destabilize EU markets. Inethnocentric features of EU's integration process
1995, a Customs Agreement was negotiated andis borderline imperialistic, failing to address local and
signed, followed by the EU Commission's decisionregional uniqueness and even more worryingly, as
in 1997, at the Luxembourg summit, to not grantis the case in Turkey, inadvertently preventing
candidate status to Turkey. However, newdemocracy fundamentals from taking root. It is
membership talks started once again in 1999.precisely because of this, that Turkey's future
While Turkey was invited in 1999 by thecannot be said to be less certain or more bleak
European Council in Helsinki to join the CEECas a result of not having been made a full
(Central and Eastern European Countries)member of the European Union.
candidates, the European Commission refused toHowever, if Turkey is to join the European Union,
"set up a timetable for starting accession talks."this will need to be more than just a mechanical
Once again, the lack of political and economicand technical process. Europe, as was the point of
reform was cited as having been the impetussome of the authors discussed, must engage in
driving the decision to refrain from taking theredefining for themselves the role of religion in
revolutionary step of accepting Turkey into thesociety and the extent to which secularism is but
European club.a superficial and ignorant misunderstanding of the
While Turkey reopened negations with the EU,more bona fide realities of pragmatic politics. Sure
after significant political, civil and legal reforms hadTurkey will have access to structural funds, the
been implemented, the EU had once again madepromising EU single-market and a seat at the
its position clear: that "Turkey would have to be indecision-making table. This unfortunately does not
full formal compliance with the Copenhagensuffice. Market-oriented economics and the
criteria," as adopted at the EU summit in Denmarkcontracts that provides the glue that holds it all
in 1993, if it is to be considered. The primarytogether simply cannot function if the European
features of this Copenhagen criteria ask thatcourts put in charge of arbitrating contract
Turkey "(i) be a stable democracy, respectingdisputes, cloak their bias towards EU parties in
human rights, the rule of law and the protectionrhetoric that dehumanizes Islam by maintaining the
of minorities, have (ii) a functioning market"us" (read: the West, the good) versus "them"
economy and the capacity to cope with the(read: the East, the bad, the enemies) paradigm.
competitive pressures and market forces withinPart II
the Union and (iii) adopt the common rules,Seeing Islam as a problem in need of a solution is
standards and policies that make up the body ofalso particularly problematic. The questions of
EU law," (also known as the acquis communitaire).whether the European Union is engaged in an
As it currently stands, Turkey will have to waiteconomic integration exercise, or in a political and
until 2014 (at the earliest), before being given theideological one, is arguable. There is a sense that
green light to accede.Islam belongs to a crude, unjust and barbaric past,
Secularism Unpackedincompatible with a more modern understanding
It could be argued that multiculturalism is no longerof secular democracy and rationally founded and
an example of successful policy in some Europeansound public policy. However, the sophisticated
countries. While violence has nonetheless been apresent, with all its modern bells and whistles, has
prominent feature of events in France, Germanynot yet been fully successful at creating
and the Netherlands, violence alone says littleelectorally sensitive political parties, nor has it yet
about the underlying tensions causing it. Whatbeen entirely successful at completely eschewing
may perhaps help bridge the gap between causereligion from the subjective life of private
and effect is a discussion of the role of religion inindividuals. This is true for both Europe and
the public affairs of the state. Reality in EuropeTurkey.
dictates that "ambiguity and ambivalenceAlthough not entirely part of the scope of this
embedded in the connection between religion andpaper, racial and cultural discrimination and
secular European modernity," is actually indicativedistinctions are arguably corollaries of a wider
of the "far from settled" interconnectionsaccepted gamut of scientifically derived, and
between "religion, secularism and multiculturalism."culturally based, evaluations of what is and isn't
Fuat Keyman asks us to revisit Turkey's secularrational. In addition to this, public awareness and
past and be conscious of the challenge Islam "andpublic scrutiny of social and cultural constructs
its powerful symbolic and cultural role," hasmay not be sufficient to safeguard from the
constantly posed to Turkish Kemalist secularism.potential pathologies of the imperialist nature of
Keyman is a proponent of Turkish-EU integration.Western rationality. A further dimension is
However, this is not what matters. His analysis ofrequired, one that asks the electorate in both
secularism leads him to observe that whileTurkey and Europe to critically engage, debate
authoritarian secularism in Turkey wasand discuss the possible effects of a Turkey-EU
successfully institutionalized so as to maintain anintegration, or the lack thereof.
objective "social-structural process," this was onlyConclusion
half the battle. An assumption that secularism isTurkey's democracy is moving towards becoming
an inherent corollary of modernity, and thatmore electorally responsive and, contrary to the
private individuals will proportionally adopt rationalmore ominous suspicions of some of its critics,
interpretations of their surroundings, the morenot relapsing into a tyrannical display of Islamic
acute modernity becomes, failed. In fact, theauthoritarianism. A wider recognition of human
opposite of this has happened. Islam in Turkey,rights as they apply both to minorities as well as
never having fully been discarded by privatedominant cultural and religious groups, will naturally
citizens, acted as the paradigm in whichfollow as a result of this. However, the key
uncertainty was made more certain. Althoughcatalyst providing the impetus for the
Turkish history is dominated by laicist repressionaforementioned, as argued by Mousseau, is the
of religious manifestations, both in public andintroduction of a liberal market economy and the
private life, it also speaks of the "inability topossibility for economic opportunities that, albeit
respond to the various Islamic identity claims toloaded with Islamic traditional values of community
recognition and cultural-group rights."and reciprocal trust, produce beneficial results and
The tension between Turkish state elites,allows for the further development and
committed to maintaining secularism, and politicalsubsequent consolidation Turkey's democracy.
elites, more sensitive to the identity claims andFuture relations between the West and East, the
cultural-group rights of their respective electorate,European Union and Turkey, will depend on both
has recently become more apparent. TheEuropean reevaluations of the role of religion and
European Union's hesitant response to Turkish-EUsecularist constructs, as well as on future Turkish
accession negotiations however, has actually moreadvancements towards a more open society,
to do with Europe than Turkey. This irony issensitive to unique regional cultural minorities and
made clear by Elizabeth Hurd when she arguesmajorities. However, if the EU persists on applying
that the latest strand of Turkish secularism,its conditions for membership through a top-down
neither traditional laicism (or Kemalism, a versionapproach, as if to say that only Western
of laicism), nor "Judeo-Christian" secularism,modernity and rationality is democratic, Turkey
"threatens not only the Kemalist establishment inwill simply end up with having swapped the
Turkey but European secularists as well."Kemalist state elites, one hegemon, for another,
Furthermore, the implications of this phenomenonthe EU technocrats. This dilemma forms a
are such that "Turkey's potential accession to theparadox that is missing from current debates on
EU has propelled the controversial question ofTurkish-EU affairs; one that needs to be further
what it means to be both 'secular' and 'European'studied, discussed and appreciated.