Indian Democracy and Its Revolutionary Maoists

I.the foundation stone ceremony of Jindal steel
"A peal of spring thunder has crashed over theplant. The landmine wire was found to be
land of India". This is how the July 5, 1967 editorialoriginating from Lalgarh. As a result, the Police
of Communist Party of China (CPC) mouthpieceentered the adjacent villages and picked up some
People's Daily had described the peasant upsurgelocal tribals as suspects. A protest movement
in a tiny Bengal village - Naxalbari. People's Dailysparked off in Lalgarh over allegations of police
was endorsing the incidence where sharehigh handedness during the raids and almost
croppers and landless laborers rose in revolt withimmediately, the Pulishi Santrash Birodhi
'land to the tiller' slogan against the local landlords.Janashadharaner Committee (People's Committee
The editorial also went on to predict that "...aagainst Police Atrocities) was floated. Led by a 45
great storm of revolutionary armed struggle willyear old local tribal leader Chhatradhar Mahato
eventually sweep across the length and breadthwith obvious Maoist links, Lalgarh is brewing for a
of India". Named after its birthplace, the Naxalbariremarkably similar Nandigram style 'movement'.
movement soon evolved into an armed uprising inTo recreate another 'liberated zone', the local
Bengal and spread like wildfire in several Indiantribals are mobilized with arms; roads are dug and
states, including Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa,blocked at several places by felled trees to resist
Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Kerala. Thethe 'oppressive and autocratic' state incursion.
movement reached its peak between May 1969Maoist sympathizer organizations like the
and June 1971 after the Communist Party of IndiaAssociation for the Protection of Democratic
(Marxist-Leninist) was founded on April 22, 1969.Rights (APDR) and Lalgarh Andolon Sanhati
But the stormy days didn't last for long. FromMancha (Solidarity Forum for Lalgarh Movement)
1972, the movement started losing its impetus.are fueling this 'unique form of democratic politics'
Between 1973 and 1975, the central and thefrom their backyard at Kolkata. While media
state governments, both under the Congressreport (The Times of India , 22 April 2009) has
Party rule, jointly crushed the movement bysuggested that sophisticated and indigenous
ruthless army and police operations. Most of thefirearms have been sneaked inside Lalgarh, local
prominent Naxal leaders were captured and jailedtribals are seen brandishing traditional weapons in
or dead in 'police encounter' including the principlefront of television cameras to put up the
ideologue Charu Majumdar, who had died in policeimpression of a genuine tribal revolt.
custody in July 1972. After the first non-CongressBengal is a difficult terrain for the Maoist to bloom.
Janata government came to power in 1977, theWhen the central and other state governments
jailed Naxalites were released along with otherbelieve that the Maoist problem is largely a law
political prisoners imprisoned under Indira Gandhi'sand order issue, the Left Front government has
Emergency. By then, many of them were deeplycarefully comprehended the socio-economic
frustrated over the failure of their movement andaspect of the problem and tried to tackle it
turned impassive about active radical politics. Afterthrough ideological and political means. In other
1977, the Naxalites were fragmented intostates, the Maoists have capitalized from the
numerous small groups under different leaders,existing grievance among the rural poor
organizations and ideological positions and wereconcerning land rights. But in Bengal, land reform
conflicting with each other over ideological-tacticaland redistribution has been a remarkable success.
debates with elements of personal egotism butThis achievement has mostly isolated the Maoists
could not generate any significant impact in thefrom the larger section of the rural populace. In
socio-political milieu of India. Evading from directother states where 4 per cent of families owned
political linkage, many of the former Naxals60 per cent of lands, in Bengal 40 per cent of the
started putting up non-governmental organizationsfamilies own 80 per cent of the land. Not been
to stay entrenched with social, economic, cultural,able to win over the people, the vengeful Maoists
environmental, legal, human rights and genderhave thus targeted the CPI (M) workers. The
related issues. The present day Indian Maoistsrecent Maoist incursions are mostly visible in some
trace their lineage back to this iconic ultra left-wingregions of Purulia, Bankura and Midnapore districts
rebellion.where lack of development remains to be a
II.relevant aspect even after the successful
The Naxalite movement inflamed again after theimplementation of land reforms. Bengal still has
resurgence of two potent Naxalite groups in thepoor, landless and marginalized people who exist
1980s. In Andhra Pradesh, the pro-Charuwithout any access to agriculture and depends on
Majumdar People's War Group (PWG) was set upthe forests for their livelihood. The Maoists are
in 1982 under the leadership of Kondapallybeen able to penetrate and influence these
Seetaramaiah. The other group was the Kanaisections through the gap created by inadequate
Chatterjee, Amulya Sen and Chandrasekhar Dasdevelopment and lack of basic amenities.
led anti-Charu Majumdar Maoist CommunistIV.
Centre (MCC). After been restructured in theSix days before the polling for 2009 Lok Sabha
mid-1980s, MCC had extended its considerableelections began, the Maoists had attacked
influence in parts of central Bihar. Confined withinNALCO's bauxite mines in Orissa and killed at least
their respective territory, the PWG and MCC had8 Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) jawans
dominated the insurgency scene for some timeand injuring scores of others. On 16 April, during
and were also frequently engaged in violent fightsthe first phase of the month long election
against each other over territorial disputesschedule, at least 17 people were killed by them in
resulting in the death of hundreds of cadres anda string of attacks across the 'Red Corridor'. To
sympathizers of both sides. But by 1992,enforce their poll boycott strategy and disrupt the
counter-insurgency operations by the governmentelection procedures through violence, armed
in Andhra Pradesh have largely tamed theMaoist 'people's militia' attacked on polling booths
activities of the PWG. The outfit was banned andand vehicles carrying the election officials. Five
its erosion continued when large numbers of PWGmembers of a polling team were killed by a
cadres were either arrested or has surrenderedlandmine blast in Rajnandgaon district of
before the security forces.Chhattisgarh. A bus carrying Border Security
In Bihar, violence related with caste prejudices andForce (BSF) personnel for election duty was
regular clashes with the upper castes privateblown off by another landmine explosion in
armies like the Ranvir Sena started showing signsJharkhand's Latehar district; bullets were sprayed
of desperation among the MCC cadres. Theseat the bus killing seven BSF personnel, the bus
alarming ground realities forced the two once-rivaldriver and his assistant. In Bihar's Gaya district,
groups to come together on September 21, 2004the Maoists open fired at a polling station in
to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist) toBankebazaar killing a policeman and a Home Guard
act as "a consolidated political vanguard of theon duty and looted the electronic voting machines
Indian Proletariat". After 'great debate and(EVM) and four rifles. Though termed as a
controversy', the term 'Maoism' was adopted'spectacular' success by sections of the media,
upholding Mao Zedong's thought as the 'third andactually, the Maoists were successful to attack
higher stage in the qualitative development ofjust 71 of the 76,000 vulnerable polling booths. In
Marxism'. Following the unification, the cadrethe second and third phase of the elections, the
strength and gun power of the alliance increasedintensity of Maoist attacks has dropped
substantially and the group became the mostsubstantially.
considerable Naxalite formation in the country toWhen the All India Coordination Committee of
secure its influence and control over a largeCommunist Revolutionaries (AICCCR) was formed
geographical spread - the 'Red Corridor'.by the Naxalites in May 1968, one of the first
From Andhra Pradesh's Telangana region to theresolutions passed by the body was not to
Tarai region of Nepal, the 'Red Corridor' stretchesparticipate in elections. While the CPI (Maoist) is still
about 92,000 sq. km linking parts of Karnataka,carrying this legacy, Naxalite factions like the CPI
Tamilnadu and Maharashtra, the Bastar region of(M-L) Liberation has "corrected the mistake of
Chhattisgarh, Western Orissa, Jharkhand, Centralcompletely rejecting parliamentary politics" in 1982.
and North Bihar, the far-eastern region of UttarKanu Sanyal, one of the founding leaders of the
Pradesh and the Bihar-Jharkhand border areas ofNaxalite movement has "accepted parliamentary
Bengal. This vast stretch covers concentratedpractice as one form of revolutionary activity".
tribal pockets and comprises some of theEven their counterpart in Nepal, the CPN (Maoist)
poorest, underdeveloped and oppressed regionswhich had once pledged to fight jointly with them
of the country. While the region is rich withhave joined the mainstream political system and
mineral resources like coal and iron ore deposits,participated in elections.
natural gases and forests, the Indian state hasCocksure about their 'creative' application of
badly failed to deliver minimum social-economicMarxism-Leninism-Maoism, the CPI (Maoist)
amenities and to considerately attend the largelyrefuses to recognize any necessity of participating
unseen suffering of the local people, particularlyin a bourgeois-democratic parliament. They are
the tribals. This is the key reason why the Maoistideologically motivated in their belief that in a
movement has fairly succeeded to penetrate incountry where bourgeois democratic revolution
this region. Displacement due to large scalehas not yet been completed "the rule of the
projects, inability to avail the benefits from naturalmasses cannot be achieved through normal
resources, failure of law and order and regularpolitical methods" and so it is absolutely necessity
exploitation by local landowners, traders, police andto propagate "extensively and concretely to
corrupt government officials has added to set theboycott the parliamentary elections". Based on a
ideal condition for the Maoists to exploit thepersonalized, narrow and distracted perception
people.about the 'objective conditions' of India, the group
In remote and rural areas where socio-economicbelieves that parliamentary institutions and
deprivation and exploitation are common, thesystems are "discredited to a large extent in the
Maoist approach to address long existingeyes of the people" and there is no 'objective
grievances through the barrel of the gun deeplybasis' for them to participate in this system just
influences the people to strike a sympatheticfor "exposing the parliamentary system from
chord among them. It is therefore relatively easywithin". Participation in election "neither helps in
to stir up the anger and resentment of thedeveloping revolutionary class struggle, nor in
underprivileged, particularly the women and youthenhancing democratic consciousness among the
to join the guerrilla army and fight the 'classpeople."
repression, class exploitation and class rule' of theInstead, it only fosters 'constitutional illusions' and
Indian State. In their own way, the Maoists havedistract from "intensifying revolutionary class
also dealt with a core grievance of the rural poorstruggle and armed struggle against the state."
- their lack of land rights. By forcefully acquiringAccording to them, "promoting alternative
land from the oppressive landlords at gunpoint andinstitutions of people's power" is the only way to
redistributing them to the landless peasants has"enhance people's consciousness and to wipe out
significantly helped the growth of their supporttheir illusions" about the present parliamentary
base among the poor rural peasantry.system. Answering to the question on why the
III.CPI (Maoist) declines to fight elections and refuses
After the massive counter-insurgency operationsto participate in the democratic process, the
in Andhra Pradesh, the Maoists had sufferedMaoist leader Ganapathy's has remarked, "You
considerable losses and have gradually shifted theirthink raising issues in the parliament is the
focus to Dandakaranya (a 35,600 sq. miles spreaddemocratic way whereas we believe that people
over the states of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh,are raising their issues in a democratic way
Orissa, and Andhra Pradesh), Bihar and Jharkhand.through organized protests". (Interview with
However, in the Bastar and Dantewada districtsGanapathy, Marxist-Leninist parties and groups
of Chhattisgarh, the Maoists were harshlywho participate in elections are accused for
confronted by a unique form of resistance fromdiverting 'revolutionary armed struggle into legal
the local tribals - the Salwa Judum. Steered byand peaceful channels'. Terming parliamentary
Mahendra Karma, a local tribal leader belonging topolitics as a 'dog-eat-dog world' and the Parliament
the Congress party, the movement came up inas a 'talking shop', a recent Maoist released
the year 2005 as "a spontaneous reaction by thesquarely blames all the mainstream Left parties
tribals to defend themselves against the reign oflike CPI (M), CPI and even the Naxalite CPI (M-L)
terror unleashed by the Naxalites". (NationalLiberation, for playing the 'most dubious role in
Human Rights Commission of India report to thelegitimizing the farce of parliamentary process'.
Supreme Court of India) The Salwa JudumThe Maoists are particularly antagonized with the
recruited its members from the villages, built-upCPI (M) and have termed the largest communist
local vigilante groups and was supported by theparty of India as 'social fascists'.
Chhattisgarh government as a counter insurgencyThe political theory of the Maoists seems to be
force. Its members, mostly tribal youths weremore inclined towards anarchism than Marxism.
recruited as Special Police Officers (SPOs) by theThe Maoist viewpoint on shunning elections as a
Chhattisgarh state Police and trained in using arms.matter of strategy is surprisingly similar with the
The secretive and illegal activities of the Maoistsanarchist perspective. Anarchists believe that,
have kept their political outlook and motives"Utilizing the state, standing in elections, only
mostly distant from the larger Indian populationprepares people for following leaders - it does not
living outside their sphere of influence. Thoughencourage the self-activity, self-organization, direct
there are instances which illustrate that theaction and mass struggle required for a social
Maoists are trying to spread their influence outsiderevolution." Likewise, the Indian Maoists also
their customary stronghold, in reality, theirbelieve that "participation in parliament does not
influences are still concentrated in the pooresthelp in developing the subjective forces. Rather it
regions inhabited mostly by the tribal population.will only drive them into legalism and divert them
For obvious reasons, the invisible Maoist leadersfrom ... intensifying revolutionary class struggle".
have kept their focus confined on the relativelyAnarchists argue for the need of "creating
inaccessible rural belts. The reasons are not onlyalternative, libertarian, forms of social organization
tactical as stated in their party documents.which can become a force to resist the state, win
It is also due to the fact that for conducting theirreforms and, ultimately, become the framework
acts of individual violence and terror these placesof a free society." The Indian Maoists believe in
are good as safe shelters from the"promoting alternative institutions of people's
counter-insurgence forces. Except among thepower" as the only way to enhance people's
habitual woolgathering intellectuals, so calledconsciousness. Anarchists reject the Leninist idea
human-right groups and sections of thethat standing for elections immensely helps to
middle-class student population in the cities, thecarry the agitation of the proletarian party among
Maoists have minimal influence among the urbanthe masses. The Indian Maoists reflect the same
petty bourgeoisie and the industrial working class.thought when it says that "participation in election
After the unceasing rise of Dalit politics and thewill only sabotage the revolutionary movement".
ominous growth of Hindutva-communal forces,Will the Maoists also echo the anarchist wisdom
chances for the Maoists to make a greaterthat all Marxists are not Leninists? While
impact on the general course of Indian politicalmechanically theorizing their election boycott
sphere has become marginal and the prospect ofstand, the Maoists has carefully kept aside the
expanding into unexplored zones is steadilyindispensable polemics of Lenin. Long ago, in one
shrinking.of his most important writing 'Left-wing'
Killing a handful of 'class enemies', clashing with theCommunism, an Infantile Disorder, Lenin has
mining and steel companies, attacking police postscategorically pointed out that participating in a
and jails, damaging vital infrastructures like roads,bourgeois-democratic parliament actually helps the
bridges, and railroads, blasting landmines to 'wiperevolutionary party to prove to the backward
out the armed forces of themasses why such parliaments 'deserve to be
counter-revolutionary Indian state' or establishingdone away with'. Lenin had argued that far from
parallel governments of Janathana Sarkar in thecausing harm, the parliamentary forum provides
'liberated zones' of remote tribal pockets toopportunities to expose the system of capitalism
encircle cities while being isolated from theand facilitates the successful dissolution of the
majority of the people are the fantastic Maoistinstitution.
tactics to establish the People's Democratic State.Taking part in the election campaigning draws the
In the extremely complicated composition of amasses into the election struggle to "take the
multi-national, multi-religious, and caste-dividedbourgeoisie at its word and utilize the machinery it
Indian society, the Maoist proposition to shape thehas set up". To extend his argument Lenin had
revolution by 'seizure of political power throughpointed out that "Communists should constantly,
protracted People's War' sounds thrilling andunremittingly and unswervingly utilize parliamentary
romantic but is far away the prevailing reality ofelections ...and all other fields, spheres and aspects
contemporary India.of public life, and work in all of them in a new
Misinterpreting Mao's annihilation theory andway, in a communist way". Communists must
embracing the people's war theory of Lin Biaolearn to "create a new, uncustomary,
which the Chinese Communist Party hasnon-opportunist and non-careerist
discredited long ago, the Maoists turn into a realparliamentarianism". Lenin though did not forget to
nuisance when they start forcing their erroneousring his warning about the pseudo-revolutionaries -
doctrinarism on the masses to bear the brunt ofthose who are incapable of taking into account
their 'revolutionary' actions. Democratic strugglethe rapid change of forms, become "hypnotized
and mass-political programs have no place in theirby a definite form" and are "afraid to see the
credo. Instead, they are obsessed with armedbreak-up which objective conditions made
activities and military programs that includeinevitable".
sabotage and annihilation of enemies throughV.
individual assassination. Maoist leaders also have aSudeep Chakravarti, the author of Red Sun:
typical tendency to justify their actions ofTravels in Naxalite Country has said in an
individual terror by parroting quotations of Mao likeinterview that, "India's Maoists don't really need to
'Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun'win; they just need to be there, to show us
out of context.where we have gone wrong". Chakravarti's
Most of the victims of their so calledadmiration towards the Maoists for their role as
'revolutionary tactics' of crushing the heart of theconscience keepers of the Indian society is
enemy's state machinery is always the poor andsimplistic and soaked with romanticism. This flabby
the ordinary. Their annihilation theory has alsoestimation might please the middle-class
been extended toward rival Naxalite groups andconscience of the Maoist sympathizers of India
members or supporters of mainstream Leftbut will definitely not help the Maoist movement
parties. To fund their revolutionary operations, theto advance any further from their present situate.
Maoists extract levy from the landlords, the villageUnless the Maoists learn to shed their flawed
rich and government contractors, get involve inobsession with armed activities, remove the
racketeering of forest resources, force farmersdogmatic faith from their minds that guerilla
to cultivate poppy crops to harvest opium thatwarfare is the only path to liberation, realize the
fetches lucrative price and also helps the 'classnecessity of democratic struggle and mass-political
enemy' bourgeois parties to win elections inprograms, arrive on a common platform with
exchange for a substantial amount of money.other Left parties and develop tactical alliances
A classic example of this strange ultra-leftwith them to settle on issues pertinent to the
adventurism is evident from the role they playedpeople, the movement will continue to remain
in the so called 'liberated zone' of Nandigram. Here,isolated and confined within the remote corners of
the outfit took the initiative on behalf of thethe country and subsequently become
Trinamool Congress to build-up an armedmarginalized.
resistance against the 'conspiracies andIf the Maoist leaders cannot give up their old
treacherous policies' of the Left Frontadventurist line and comprehend the major
government of Bengal. As claimed by Koteswarcontradictions of Indian society, it will be
Rao, CPI (Maoist) politburo member in charge ofextremely difficult, if not impossible, for them to
Bengal, Jharkhand and Orissa, the Maoists weremake progress towards occupying the
armed by the Trinamool to spearhead thecenter-stage of Indian politics. By moving away
movement. (Trinamool armed us to fight infrom their commitment to violent insurrection and
Nandigram: The Times of India, Apr 27, 2009)joining the democratic process, the CPN (Maoist)
According to the CPI (Maoist) General Secretaryin Nepal has already shown a way to their Indian
Ganapathy, Maoist cadres were in the forefrontcounterpart. Whether the Indian Maoist leaders
to "lead the movement in the correct direction"can go for a major theoretical breakthrough and
and stall the alleged 'land grab' of the state'take into account the rapid changes of forms' and
government which was acting at the behest ofrespond to the 'break-up which objective
the 'comprador' Salim Group.conditions made inevitable', whether they can
Eleven months of their stupendous effort hasdevelop the subjective forces in a true Marxist
immensely helped the Trinamool Congress toway or remain blinded by misreading of the
seize political grip in the area. Soon after theirobjective conditions will determine their future
victory in the Panchayat polls, the Trinamoolsignificance in the Indian political sphere.
Congress has completely disregarded them andInternet References:
pushed them out from Nandigram. Thereafter, no1. Maoist Document: Strategy & Tactics of
news of any Maoist activity has been reportedthe Indian Revolution
from there. Since the 'revolution' in Nandigram is2. CLSA Special Report: India's Naxalities
over, the Maoists have thus shifted their focus on3. Anil Biswas 'Maoism': An Exercise in Anarchism
Lalgarh in West Midnapore leaving behind4. Tilak D. Gupta: Recent Developments in the
Nandigram in the safe hands of Trinamool!Naxalite Movement
On November 2, 2008 a landmine was detonated5. Venkitesh Ramakrishnan: The road from
on the convoy route of Chief Minister BuddhadevNaxalbari
Bhattacharjee and Union Steel Minister Ram Vilas6.
Paswan who were returning from Salboni after